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| Previously banned newspapers and magazines are now freely available in Myanmar's towns and cities. |
Aung Zaw
The new era of openness in Burma has spread hope and anxiety among the country's journalists at home and abroad.
This year, many exiled journalists have visited Burma -- which became
known as Myanmar under the previous military junta -- while some
publications and news organizations, previously based outside the
once-reclusive state, have decided to open offices inside the country.
This week, our publication The Irrawaddy
magazine will hit newsstands in the capital, Yangon, for the first time
since it was founded by Burmese exiles two decades ago to provide an
independent view of the situation in Burma under the authoritarian
regime. Our staff, who secretly worked with us for many years inside the
country at considerable risk to themselves, now report from our new
offices there.
Does this mean the changes here are concrete and promising? I am
cautiously optimistic. Therefore, our strategy now is to keep one foot
in and one foot out -- we will maintain our headquarters in Thailand.
This is the first time we have received permission to print and
distribute the magazine inside the country. It wasn't too long ago that
it was unthinkable to carry and read such a publication freely in
public, let alone distribute it.
In the past, we have sent our magazines to Burma using clandestine
channels, while our website was blocked inside the country until
recently.
Since I returned to Burma early this year for the first time in 24
years, I have met many opposition leaders and activists who spent
several years in prisons or under house arrest, and they told me they
somehow managed to get hold of copies of The Irrawaddy.
Win Tin, a leading member of opposition party the National League for
Democracy (NLD), spent 19 years in prison. He told me in February that
he sometimes received the magazine while he was under detention in the
infamous Insein Prison in the capital -- a facility known for its
inhumane conditions and torture of inmates.
Tin Oo, co-founder of the NLD and former commander in chief of the armed
forces during the 1970s, spoke highly of The Irrawaddy. When I asked
him how he knew of it, he replied: "When I was under house arrest, I
received it through a diplomatic channel. I read it again and again, and
when military intelligence service came to see me at my house I had to
hide it.
"They could double the prison sentence if they saw the magazine," he added with a chuckle.
Burmese officials and several senior leaders whom I met and interviewed
in Burma know the magazine -- I sensed mixed feelings as they have a
deep-rooted fear as well as respect for the magazine and our website. I
remembered General Khin Nyunt, a feared spy chief who ran a torture
chamber and kept politicians and activists under lock and key, once
publicly told a visiting delegation that they should not read The
Irrawaddy.
Today, I see the media landscape is changing as reporters enjoy more
freedom to cover and report stories that would have been subjected to
censorship in the past. I hope these changes are real and irreversible.
Since coming to power, President Thein Sein has taken major steps to
open up the country. In his early speeches he mentioned the importance
of the fourth pillar in society and revealed that both he and his office
follow media reports from both inside and outside the country.
In August, the Ministry of Information told editors of weekly journals
that their outlets "no longer need to pass the censorship board." Tint
Swe, the head of the country's Press Scrutiny and Registration Division
(PSRD), added that the easing of restrictions was the result of a change
of policy.
Journalists who faced pressure and imprisonment in Burma have cautiously
welcomed the announcement that they will no longer be required to
submit articles to the country's draconian censorship board. But they
are very aware that "Big Brother" is still there to monitor and watch.
The move is not enough to restore media freedom. However, it is safe to
say that the government has made a concession after previously shutting
down local journals and facing pressure and street protests from
journalists.
The government still continues to monitor news and bulletins, and the
censorship board is still active and has not been abolished. Burma's
1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act is still there -- the act
was imposed shortly after former dictator General Ne Win seized power.
In fact, ever more weekly journals have been facing defamation lawsuits from government officials and businessmen.
It is still sensitive to write about corruption cases involving current
and former officials, especially when looking at Burma's relations with
North Korea and China.
The Ministry of Information still controls publishing licenses and any
publication that harms the reputation of a government department can
still be reprimanded under the Printers and Publishers Registration Act.
Publishers can also face heavy sentences under Burma's Penal Code if
they are found guilty of inciting the public to participate in unlawful
activity. Meanwhile, state-owned newspapers still distribute the same
propaganda, while a number of former generals in the previous regime own
several leading weekly dailies. Their mission appears not about
promoting independent journalism and rational debate in this fragile
transition period but about making money.
Meanwhile, all publications are required to follow guidelines designed
to protect the three national causes: non-disintegration of the country,
non-disintegration of national solidarity and the perpetuation of
sovereignty.
Journalists say that the notorious 2004 Electronics Act also remains in
place, with many activists, journalists, bloggers and social media
commentators behind bars for sending prohibited information, messages or
photos through the Internet. Many face between seven and 15 years in
jail and may also be liable for a fine.
In Burma, most journalists exercise heavy self-censorship, and this will continue.
During the wave of sectarian violence in Rahkine state recently, local
media appeared wary about reporting on the ongoing violence against
Muslim Rohingya populations. Sadly they take a racist and populist
editorial stance against this oppressed population. In fact, the media
seemed reluctant to criticize the government when police applied
excessive force to crack down on peaceful demonstrators and monks during a recent protest at copper mine -- despite widespread condemnation from elsewhere, including Democracy activist and lawmaker Aung San Suu Kyi.
There is still a long way to go until Burmese reporters are able to
freely write and publish sensitive stories, engage in proper
investigative reporting and provide quality journalism in Burma. We've
been waiting for this opportunity to enter Burma, but we know that there
are limits. We're still testing the water.
Editor's note: Aung Zaw is founding editor of The Irrawaddy,
an independent publication that for decades operated in exile in
Thailand in defiance of Myanmar's ruling military junta. Previously a
student activist, he was forced to flee the country in the wake of a
massive pro-democracy uprising in the Burmese capital in 1988.
Source:Here
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